Results tagged “Vietnam War” from Marilyn Sewell

Robert S. McNamara is dead at the age of 93.  He was the whiz kid who saved Ford Motor Company and subsequently became the most influential Secretary of Defense of all time, serving both John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson.  McNamara was the brilliant strategist who steered Kennedy and the hawkish Chiefs of Staff out of a nuclear confrontation in Cuba, and we should be forever grateful for that.  But he is also the man whose rationality fell short, when he predicted how quickly the U.S. could bring N. Vietnam to its knees.  They just wouldn't give up.    

McNamara spent all of his years after 1966 in despair and regret about his role as the chief architect of the Vietnam War.  That's the year he came to understand the nature of the conflict--after he read a book-length C.I.A. study called "The Vietnamese Communists' Will to Persist," which concluded that the U.S. was fighting a futile war.  Then he talked with George Allen, a C.I.A. analyst who had studied Vietnam for 17 years and asked his advice.  Allen told him that he should stop the bombing and negotiate a cease-fire with Hanoi. 

At that time, McNamara told his aides to start compiling a top-secret history of the war--a report which would later be known as the Pentagon Papers.  And he sought to influence Lyndon Johnson, who had become President after Kennedy's assassination in 1965, suggesting in a Sept. phone call to Johnson that the President establish a ceiling on the number of troops in Vietnam and plan to stop the bombing.  Johnson only grunted in response.  

On May 19, 1967, McNamara sent a lengthy and carefully considered paper to President Johnson urging him to negotiate with Hanoi rather than escalate the war.  McNamara wrote, "Most Americans are convinced that somehow we should not have gotten this deeply in.  All want the war ended and expect their president to end it.  Successfully.  Or else."  Johnson responded this time by relieving of his job and making him President of the World Bank.

At his going-away luncheon, McNamara actually broke down and wept as he spoke of the futile destruction of Vietnam.  Many of those present were shocked by the depth of his sadness and guilt, and appalled that he would condemn the bombing. 

McNamara went on to dedicate himself to the reduction of "absolute poverty" in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, but these efforts were often undermined by the ignoring of ecological concerns and by corruption in third world countries. 

It was only in 1995 that he finally publicly denounced the Vietnam War and the part he played in it, when he published a memoir entitled "In Retrospect: the Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam."  And then in 2003 came Errol Morris's moving documentary on McNamara, "The Fog of War."  I will never forget this haunted, tragic figure as he looked into the camera and said that the greatest lesson that he had learned from Vietnam was the need to know one's enemy, and to empathize with him.  "We must try to put ourselves inside their skin and look at us through their eyes," he said.

For his efforts at apology, McNamara was subjected to severe criticism. People wanted to know why he didn't speak out against the war when he could have influenced policy.  Why did he wait?  I ask myself that question, as well.  Was it out of loyalty to the President?  After all, this was an appointed office, and he served at the will of the President.  Was it because he wanted a cushy job at the World Bank, instead of being ousted from the Washington power structure?  Did he think (probably rightly so) that he would have been labeled a traitor?  Did he perhaps wonder if he would be blamed for not "supporting our boys" when we lost the war, as he knew was inevitable?  I don't know.  Only he would know.  But I will say this: it would take extraordinary courage to speak out against the war, against the President, against his colleagues, against the Pentagon, against the majority of the American people, who at that time believed that we were justified in being in Vietnam.  Should he have done it?  Yes.  Sixteen thousand American lives had been lost when he resigned as Secretary of Defense--42,000 more were to die before the war was over--and countless Vietnamese soldiers and civilians.  Would that he could have found that extraordinary courage.

Had he done so, would the war have been ended sooner?  No doubt, his words would have had a powerful impact on decision-makers, would have given tremendous leverage to the protest movement.  And he would not have had to drag through his latter years, an object of pity, his too-large clothing hanging round his form, bent and broken, wondering how a good man, a compassionate man, one of the best and the brightest, could have gone so wrong.


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A ferocious conversation about shoe-throwing is taking place all over the Middle East just now.  It appears that there are two schools of thought at the moment regarding the action of Muntader al-Zaidi, the journalist who threw two shoes at President Bush during a press conference.  Some people are saying that the act was wrong, that traditional Arab hospitality towards a guest demands respect, even if a person disapproves of the guest (as most Arabs apparently do, of this guest).  Far more people, however, seem elated by the defiant act--in fact, Muntader al-Zaidi has become something of folk hero to many.  In the Sadr City section of Baghdad, people are taking off their shoes and sandals and putting them on long poles, and waving them high in the air, demanding that Americans immediately withdraw from their country.  (See NYTimes, 12/16)

I must say that it was pretty amazing to see repeated television images of someone throwing a shoe at the President, hard and fast, and the President ducking, and then, whoops, here comes another one, again just barely missing.  Bush made light of it, saying "This is how democracy works."  Well, actually, no--being in a democracy doesn't give a person permission to fling shoes at their President.  The act, no doubt, was disrespectful.  But was it brave and appropriate--or rash and foolish?

I grew up in the South, in a society in which politeness was paramount--rules were followed.  It was "Yes, Ma'am" and "Yes, Sir."  It was speaking softly and slowly, it was moving gently in the world.  And yet often, out of the mouths of these good and gentle people, who would stretch and strain never to offend, came horrendous remarks and acts of racism.  The rules about black and white were clear: "Nigras" were fine so long as they "stayed in their place."  When they did not, when they dared to violate the rules, violence erupted.

Well, who makes the rules, and for what purpose?  And when should rules be broken? 

I am of two minds of this.  I am all for rules of decorum.  I prefer polite behavior.  Let me tell you, that a man can open the door for me any time.  And I like to visit the South, where children have been saying "Yes, Ma'm" to me since I was 35.  I believe that these rules of behavior are there for a reason, and generally that reason is so that society can remain civilized, and people will remain respectful of one another.

On the other hand, sometimes rules and traditions need to be broken, and their very breaking shines a light on something that is awry in the society.  Martin Luther King, Jr., taught his followers to practice civil disobedience, and so they sat in restaurants and at drugstore counters that were "White Only."  Rosa Parks did not follow the rules of the city bus line.  The Berrigan brothers poured blood on draft records during the Vietnam War.  Every year demonstrators go to the School of the Americas in Georgia, where the U.S. trains foreign soldiers to terrorize their own citizens, and these demonstrators break the rules--they step over the government "line" and are arrested, and many have been jailed, some for as long as six months--nuns and priests and ministers, among them.

Every person must discern for himself or herself when it's right and appropriate to break the rules.  One rule of thumb would be your motive, of course--are you breaking the rule for your own benefit, or to grandstand--or because you believe a statement must be made that cannot better be made another way. 

I myself--well, I'm a good girl and always have been.  I follow the rules.  That's why I was elected "Best Christian" in my senior year in high school.  And then I became an English teacher, and you know how they are about rules.  Now I'm a minister, and we all are aware of the rule-bound-ness of religion.  Except there's one rule in religion that's bigger than all the others--it's called the Rule of Love.  So when we face a dilemma, we can ask, "What is the most loving thing to do?"  Sometimes it's fasting.  Sometimes it's not eating British salt.  Sometimes it's speaking the truth to power, even though that's going to get you in a mess of trouble. 

Sometimes it's throwing a shoe.


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